Klaipėdos universitetas

The Swedish Social Democratic Party has held power in Sweden most years for a whole century. For many years, it held it in coalition with other left-wing parties, proposing the general course of democratic functional socialist ideology, regular measures to strengthen the welfare state, a benevolent immigration policy, and a peaceful foreign policy, by mediating between west and east, and also north and south. Social Democrat activities were often carried out clearly and with predictability, with great hopes of counteracting future economic, social, political and cultural challenges. When too many of these challenges appeared in public and foreign policy, the ‘social democratic arsenal’ vanished, and less preventive measures appeared to counteract the cataclysms. The radical Sweden Democrats Party rushed into the political arena, and became the third party after the 2018 Riksdag election, and the second party after the 2022 Riksdag election. The Sweden Democrats proposed not only widening and deepening the welfare state’s programmes, and strengthening punishments for crime, but also a strict anti-immigration policy, primarily a racist anti-immigration policy towards newcomers from the Middle East and Africa. Other right-wing parties viewed the programme and the activities of the Sweden Democrats with reservation, but they had to form a coalition with four right-wing parties in order to win the Riksdag elections. After a right-wing victory in the 2022 election, Ulf Kristersson, the leader of the Moderates, attained the right to form a government on behalf of a coalition between the Moderates, the Sweden Democrats, the Christian Democrats and the Liberals. The political situation in Sweden before and after the 2018 and 2022 Riksdag elections is presented in the article, together with the political crisis between these two elections, as well as the results of the 2018 and 2022 elections. In the article, the author uses the descriptive analytical method, together with synthesis and some evaluations of the Riksdag elections.

This article presents findings and discussions generated on the basis of the Danish-Swedish development project CareSam. The article will on the one hand focus on how work in groups consisting of representatives from different levels in the elderly care sector at one time served as learning spaces and cultural encounters in which established notions of older people and elderly care were challenged and discussed. Inspired by action research these challenges were brought forth through discussions of and through insight in practical experiences. On the other hand it will focus on the tendencies to narrow the diversity of perceptions of elderly people and their care, which were also seen in the project and led to stories in which the meaningfulness of care work were honored. Departing from the interviews presented in the CareSam film and parts of the empirical material produced in connection to the work in the project-groups this paper will ask whether it is possible to represent care work for elderly people with all the ambiguities it holds: How can we as researchers represent both meaningfulness and straining dimensions of care work? Can we avoid either supporting Florence Nightingale-ideals or cementing negative cultural perceptions of help-needing elderly and the people who support them in everyday life? In answering these questions and thereby reflecting on our own work process we apply a caring, a learning and a political perspective. Hereby the article wishes to formulate a methodological point: The CareSam cross sector collaboration produced important experience near knowledge, but also lead to present somewhat one-sided understandings of elderly care. Applying theoretical perspectives to analyze the empirical material and the working process, nuances the understanding and makes it possible to maintain immediately conflicting dimensions in this kind of work.

In the article, the activities of presidents in the creation of welfare states are analysed. The main factors behind successful effectiveness in the creation of the welfare state are: public opinion towards the president, his/her individual philosophy, clear communication, and relations with political parties. The case of Gitanas Nausėda, the President of the Republic of Lithuania, with his vision of the creation of the welfare state as the main aim of governance and social rights, is presented in the article. The role of President Nausėda is significant because of the proposals and changes he has inititated. The president not only supports the welfare state, but also suggests concrete proposals for changes to the tax environment in the country, improving social security conditions and conditions for the disabled, enforcing equal opportunities, etc.

Regarded as part of the cultural heritage, Confucianism and its principles play a major role in shaping the welfare state and the development of social welfare in the East Asia region. This article aims to analyse the expression and influence of Confucianism on the formation of the welfare state in the East Asia region. The Confucian welfare state has been shown to be characterised by low state intervention and investment in social welfare, relatively strong family ties, an emphasis on family responsibilities and duties in solving social problems, familialism, patriarchal hierarchy, etc. The principles of Confucianism promote a three-tier system of social assistance that includes family, community and governmental layers, in descending order of priority. In the article, the author provides an analysis of scientific literature and foreign research material, and uses synthesis and descriptive analytical methods.

The aim of this article is to identify and analyse welfare state models and their features in East and Southeast Asia. With this in mind, the article examines welfare state models in East and Southeast Asia and their characteristics. Different attempts to define the welfare state systems of East and Southeast Asia are provided, as well as a comparison with G. Esping-Andersen’s typology of three models. The characteristics of the welfare states of East and Southeast Asia are distinguished, such as the influence of Confucianism, productivity, the role of the family in the field of social welfare, and the influence of politics and the economy on the development of the welfare state. The article uses methods of analysis of scientific literature, expert evaluation, synthesis, descriptive analysis and comparative analysis.

The essence of the “Swedish socialism” created in the 20th century lies in “democratic functional socialism”. During the last 30 years, even after having refused part of its elements, it remains the foundation of the Swedish welfare state, and historically the name of the “Swedish socialism” is mostly related to the famous Swedish and global figure of the smart political powers, social democrat Olof Palme. The article reviews the features of the biography of Olof Palme and his both theoretical and practical activity opting for social justice and by creating a welfare state in Sweden by the means of “democratic functional socialism”. Olof Palme was also an advocate of human rights and freedoms, neutrality of small countries, an international mediator, an advocate of nuclear disarmament policy and a severe critic of neo-liberal ideas.

The author of the article, by way of applying theoretical analysis and using empirical evidence, as well as by analysing international documents ratified by the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania, the laws in force, and the resolutions of the Government, argues that a prerequisite for the success in building a well fare state is sustainable development of society. The aspiration of sustainable development is a challenge not only to the interaction of the economic, ecological, and social systems, but also to the interaction of sub-systems within said systems. The deficit of sustainable development in the social system destroys the structure of the society, creates prerequisites for the discrimination of some social groups, for the marginalisation of social groups, and for the rise of social exclusion. The increasing level of social exclusion poses a threat to national stability and security, therefore, it is important to timely identify the causes of the rise of social exclusion and, by removing them, to eliminate the preconditions for the formation of crisis situations.