Gebiet des unteren Wislaflusses wurde besiedelt von den Menschen nach dem Rückzug des Gletschers erst in der Allerödzeit. Es handelte sich wahrscheinlich um Schöpfer der Rückenspitzen-Kultur. Es kann jedoch nicht ausgeschlossen werden, das diese Gebiete gleichzeitig von Gruppen der Lyngby und Hamburger Kultur besiedelt wurden.
Es scheint, dass die Swiderian-Kultur sich am unteren Lauf der Wisla noch in der preborealen Zeit, im Zusammenhang mit der hier verspäteten (im Vergleich zu den mehr südlich gelegenen Gebieten) Nachfolge von Waldflächen entwickelte.
Local and exotic flint use and distribution are considered as markers of group mobility. The Arch Backed Pieces and the Mazovian societies organised logistics expeditions in various directions, south-north, west-east, using natural routes as river valleys, but also crossing mountains. Their motives seem to be different and not only connected with economic necessity and subsistence strategy. Group mobility, observed rarely on distances more than tens of hundreds of kilometres, was probably a seasonal event, but sometimes may be a reflection of a permanent exodus.
Journal:Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis
Volume 13 (2006): Studia Anthropologica, II: Defining Region: Socio-cultural Anthropology and Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Part 2, pp. 31–46
Abstract
I explore the state’s presence by looking at people’s understanding/experience of authority and power. I argue that ‘cynicism’ is the common structure of feeling embedded in perceptions and experiences of the state. It entails negativity, distance, and irony, rather than resistance towards the state. Cynicism has an effect on the lives people live and the communication they carry out with the ‘state’ whether in everyday conversations or at elections. Cynicism encapsulates criticism of the state officials, seeing them as self-interested, immoral, and unjust. It also manifests distrust of authorities and difference between the people and the power elites. Cynicism derives from various contexts: the experience of power as omnipresent, immutable, and threatening prevalent in the socialist period, beliefs in equality and loyalty to a collective which no longer inform social relations, mysterious post-socialist circulations of wealth from which people feel completely or partly excluded, experience of destatization and subalternity. This article rests on the research conducted in three village communities and the cities of Vilnius and Kaunas in 2003–2004.
Desna Culture fits the Tanged Points Culture standard perfectly. This culture is related to Tanged Points Culture in that it regularly yields shouldered points and oblique trapezes on flakes. Five types of single-barbed Havel-type harpoons were mapped. According to this mapping, Havel-type harpoons are divisions with three zones, which correspond to Swiderian, Ahrensburgian and Desnenian areas.
Thanks to up-to-date research on Magdalenian Culture in Poland we can now identify three settlement provinces: Upper Silesia, Malopolska and southeast Poland. Magdalenian settlements in Poland existed from Dryas I till Alleröd. Polish Magdalenian is a part of the Central Europe Cultural Province. Very interesting is Maszycka cave, where new material from different European territory was found.
Journal:Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis
Volume 13 (2006): Studia Anthropologica, II: Defining Region: Socio-cultural Anthropology and Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Part 2, pp. 19–30
Abstract
With the breakdown of the USSR the daily life in the rural areas of Lithuania went through radical changes. The entire system of collective farming was replaced by another system, based on the right to private property. Lithuania´s collective farms and land were divided and distributed among the former members and private farms were emerging all over the country. In this article I look at the situation from a farm level. By using material from my fieldwork in a Lithuanian village I shall present how the Small Farmers here cope in spite the lack of resources. In the first place I will offer some background information for the distribution of land which took place in the early 1990s. I argue that the distribution of land left many villagers with so scarce resources that they could only be individual farmers by expanding the resources of the farms through co-operation. In the second place I will look at the co-operative economical system they have employed in order to make ends meet. I will argue that only the people who lack re-sources within their household employed strategies of reciprocity, whereas people who have sufficient re-sources by themselves do not engage in this system. Thereby there is a correlation between property rights and property relations. Bourdieu has classified these two kinds of sale as a ‘village/market dichotomy’. The article is based on my fieldwork in a Southwest Lithuanian village in 2004.
A serious argument against the reach of Hamburgian Culture to the eastern Vistula is the position of material from areas to the east of the Vistula, the lack of any radiocarbon dates and the unclear geochronological context.
Journal:Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis
Volume 13 (2006): Studia Anthropologica, II: Defining Region: Socio-cultural Anthropology and Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Part 2, pp. 9–18
Abstract
In the course of transition to market economy, political and economical structures of Lithuanian society changed generally. Many people lost financial capital, social positions and even cultural categories necessary for the orientation in society. In the course of this fundamental transformation the necessity to negotiate new cultural categories became obvious. In the context of these redefinition processes, consumption and consumer goods constituted important means for the creation of new social differences and their symbolic representations. What visions and images of a ‘good life’, of ‘wealth’ and ‘success’ exist in to-day’s Lithuania? How are consumption-oriented patterns of behaviour provided with symbolic meaning? How are identities constructed and represented through ways and objects of consumption as well as particular lifestyles? Research on these questions may contribute to an understanding about processes of cultural redefinition and differentiation in a specific Lithuanian social context and, starting out from this understanding, it allows making plausible interferences about broader social relations and local visions related to global change.
The author maintains that the soils formed by the Pomeranian Glacier during the Bölling Interstadial at the time of Hamburgian Culture stood under rising moisture and were not yet lixiviated enough. The main food sources of reindeer, especially reindeer-moss (Cladonia rangiferina) and dwarf birch-trees (Betula nana), require a sandy, dry, non-calcareous soil and therefore could not flourish in the highly calcareous moraine clay.
Because the reindeer herds probably avoided the plains in eastern Germany between Schleswig-Holstein and the Middle Oder during the Bölling Interstadial, it is highly improbable that the discovery of any sites of Hamburgian Culture in this area could be reckoned with in the future.